Go to Trial: Crash the Justice System. These tactics seek to circumvent the barriers that get in the way of fair outcomes in the justice system. High profile cases spotlight the racial divide in views of the criminal justice system. Cases like this have created a familiar pattern of acquittal followed by expectations of unrest of the type that Los Angeles experienced after the verdicts in favor of the police officers who beat Rodney King.
To summarize, familiarity with injustices resulting from racial perceptions of crime reduces confidence in the criminal justice system among people of color. Perceived illegitimacy breeds limited cooperation. As a result, police departments struggle to clear cases, prosecutors struggle to secure convictions, and the public fears unrest after episodes of police brutality. The racial gap in perceptions of fairness and justice also has more direct implications for public safety, as discussed next.
Racial perceptions of crime harm public safety. The most acute and severe consequence of these perceptions is the killing of innocent people because of racially motivated fear. A broader consequence is a criminal justice system that is on overdrive, with lifelong consequences for all Americans who are convicted of crimes, and particularly for low-income people of color.
Mass incarceration compounds economic disadvantage, increasing the likelihood of criminal offending across generations.
The perception of a biased criminal justice system may also foster a sense of legal immunity among white Americans. The impact of a criminal conviction is felt long before and after a sentence and affects those around the person that is being punished.
American Sociological Review, 67, —; Pettit, B. The Sentencing Project. Democratic Contraction? American Sociological Review, 67, — Demography, 46 2 , — p. The criminal justice policies and practices of the past four decades have not only broadened these impacts, but concentrated them on racial minorities.
Crime policies that excessively target people of color have been directly associated with increased offending among both racial minorities and whites.
When people do not see the police and justice system as fair, they see it as less legitimate and are less likely to follow its rules. Why People Obey the Law. Research has shown that youth who have had contact with the police — even just being stopped and questioned — report higher rates of future delinquent behavior compared to otherwise similar youth, and those who have been previously arrested are more likely to be rearrested. Criminology, 51 4 , —; Liberman, A. Social Problems, 60 3 , — p.
Finally, a criminal justice system that targets people of color may increase crime among whites. An experiment about classroom cheating found that white participants were more likely to cheat on a test in a setting where black participants were singled out for scrutiny, compared to whites in a setting where no racial profiling occurred.
Law and Human Behavior, 37 5 , — Mass incarceration has created barriers to employment, welfare benefits, and housing, exacerbating conditions that promote crime across generations. The labeling effects of contact with the criminal justice system, and dissatisfaction with the police, degrade barriers to crime.
Moreover, racial profiling of people of color may lead some whites to take greater criminal risks. These outcomes suggest that excessive incarceration has not only been unjust and expensive, but also counterproductive.
Yet we stand at the threshold of a potential criminal justice awakening. A number of field-tested tools can help to eliminate the unwanted consequences of racial perceptions of crime, and undo their damage. The media, researchers, policymakers, and criminal justice practitioners can draw on proven interventions to reduce racial perceptions of crime and mitigate their effects on the justice system.
Researchers and pollsters can improve measures and representation of public opinion, incorporating lessons from past research. Policymakers can craft legislation to scale back overly punitive sanctions, and to reduce racial disparities in sentencing and crime rates. The Sentencing Project has developed a manual for assessing and tackling disparities in the justice system, The Sentencing Project Casey Foundation and MacArthur Foundation are among several organizations that have produced overviews and guides about successful efforts that have downscaled the juvenile justice system.
Reducing Racial Disparities in Juvenile Detention Baltimore, MD: Annie E. Casey Foundation; Shoenberg, D. Finally, all stakeholders — particularly criminal justice professionals — can tackle implicit bias by drawing on field-tested methods such as those compiled by the National Center for State Courts. The media play a crucial role in determining how and how much people think about crime. Following their critical assessment of media crime coverage, Lori Dorfman and Vincent Schiraldi have made several recommendations to reporters and editors.
These include expanding sources beyond criminal justice professionals, contextualizing crime within broader underlying social problems, providing in-depth coverage of more typical crimes rather than highlighting anomalous ones, and auditing content to compare coverage with regional crime trends.
By measuring and tracking the racial composition of offenders and victims in crime news and comparing these with regional crime rates, news producers can improve the representativeness of their coverage. More nuanced attention is also needed to improve how — not just howmuch — crime reporting differs by race.
Content analysis can help to identify racial disparities in the extent to which suspects are presented in non-individualized and threatening ways. In addition to these recommendations, media producers should address implicit racial bias using the tools described later in this report. By reporting on criminal sentences that are representative, and documenting their lifelong consequences, news producers can help to educate the public about the reality of existing penalties.
By contextualizing specific crime stories or policy debates within crime trends, they can avoid creating the impression of a false crisis. Crime in the United States The UCR measures crimes reported to the police — which are affected by changes in victim reporting and police categorization practices — as well as arrests — which are heavily influenced by law enforcement practices.
The NCVS measures crime victimization regardless of whether incidents were reported to or cleared by the police. The two data sources sometimes depict conflicting trends.
Disaggregating the Violence Trends. In Blumstein, A. The Crime Drop in America, pp. Noting these nuances and accurately reporting levels of crime and sentencing would help both policymakers and the public develop more informed views about crime policies.
Researchers and pollsters play a crucial role in measuring and representing public opinion. As described in Section II, Americans are far less supportive of the death penalty when provided with life imprisonment as a sentencing option. And although the public expresses a great deal of pragmatism in its views of crime policy — supporting not just punishment, but also rehabilitation and prevention — this range of preferences is lost in many reports.
Policymakers have never simply followed public opinion; they have also shaped it through their words and work. Elected officials can therefore lead by educating the public about the harms of excessive punishment, as they are beginning to do in the United States and have been doing in other countries. Canadians are as punitive as Americans, but their government has less severe sentences.
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 4 , — England and France abolished the death penalty at a time when their populations supported the sanction, but now the majority of British and French residents oppose executions.
International Polls and Studies. With years of declining crime rates and reduced public punitiveness, American policymakers have the opportunity to develop criminal justice policies that are morally sound, fiscally responsible, and effective.
Several states and the juvenile justice system serve as models for ending excessive incarceration. Haywood Burns Institute.
Policymakers should support the growing commitment to overhaul excessively harsh sentencing at the federal level. Congress has the opportunity to pass two bi-partisan bills that seek to curb federal prison populations — the Smarter Sentencing Act and the Recidivism Reduction and Public Safety Act, both of which passed the Senate Judiciary Committee in Policymakers should identify and reform ostensibly race-neutral polices that have been shown to have a disparate racial impact.
Iowa, Connecticut, Oregon, and Minnesota now have a policy in place to conduct racial impact analysis before codifying a new crime or modifying the criminal penalty for an existing crime.
The Pew Charitable Trusts. Some jurisdictions have begun to assess the racial bias inherent in risk assessment instruments used for criminal justice decision making. Addressing class-based inequalities in justice outcomes — by better funding indigent defense, for example — would also help to reduce racial disparities.
At the federal level, the Fair Sentencing Act of reduced from to the weight disparity in the amount of powder cocaine versus crack cocaine that triggered mandatory minimum sentences. Greater effort is needed not only to reduce the remaining disparity, but also to make the change retroactive. Eliminating racial disparities in incarceration also requires addressing the socioeconomic inequality and racial discrimination that underlie differential crime rates.
Because the criminal justice system is an institution that primarily reacts to — rather than prevents — crime, it is ill-equipped to address many of the underlying causes of crime.
Consequently, scaling back punishment and reinvesting the resulting savings into disadvantaged communities would promote public safety. Policymakers are increasingly aware that branding people with criminal records harms public safety and wastes public funds.
Accordingly, some states have opted out of the federal welfare and food stamp ban for people with felony convictions. States and local jurisdictions are also lowering barriers to employment for people with criminal records. Dispelling the illusion that we are colorblind in our decision making is a crucial first step to mitigating the impact of implicit racial bias.
To fully realize the benefits of these approaches, savings from decarceration should be redirected to crime prevention and drug treatment efforts. Justice Reinvestment. Ideas for An Open Society 3 3. Downscaling prisons should therefore be accompanied by reinvestment into communities harmed by mass incarceration. Although implicit racial bias is nearly ubiquitous — affecting both individual discretion and agency policies — it is not intractable.
Several interventions have been shown to reduce implicit bias among jurors, police officers, prosecutors, and judges, helping to bring their decisions closer in line with their ideals.
State of the Science: Implicit Bias Review Columbus, OH: Kirwan Institute. Implicit Bias in the Courtroom. In Lynch, M. Defense attorneys can also benefit from greater awareness of their implicit biases, raise awareness of these issues during cases, and implement interventions in the courts.
Incorporating these lessons into police work, along with developing more equitable enforcement policies particularly for drug crimes, would help to reduce perceptions of over-policing and mend police-community relations in low-income communities of color.
Mock jury studies have shown that increasing the salience of race in cases reduces bias in outcomes by making jurors more conscious of and thoughtful about their biases. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 7 1 , — For criminal justice professionals, taking the Implicit Association Test can help raise awareness of biases and increase support for interventions to reduce their effects. The Kirwan Institute describes a number of debiasing strategies shown to reduce implicit racial bias in both experimental and non-experimental settings.
These include providing exposure to counter-stereotypic imagery, increasing inter-racial contact, and monitoring outcomes to increase accountability. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 46 4 , — Another has shown that exposure to counter-stereotypic imagery can increase denial of racism: Critcher, C.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, , — Increasing racial diversity in criminal justice settings also reduces biased outcomes and tempers punitive sentiment.
Research on mock juries has shown that a diverse group of jurors deliberate longer and more thoroughly than all-white juries, and studies of capital trials have found that all-white juries are far more likely to sentence offenders to death. DePaul Law Review, 53 4 , — Iowa Law Review, 97, — The National Center for State Courts NCSC has documented pilot programs developed in California, Minnesota, and North Dakota to educate judges and court staff about implicit racial bias and has made a number of related resources available on its website.
Prosecutors in New York City are demonstrating how this stage of the justice system can reduce upstream disparities. How Race Skews Prosecutions. Information about racial disparities must be presented carefully to help people reconsider, rather than cement, their views. But support for the death penalty has been less responsive to some messages about racial disparities.
American Journal of Political Science, 51 4 , — p. Psychological Science. Resources provided by the NCSC and the other organizations mentioned above can help to calibrate interventions to avoid flaring automatic biases.
This is a critical period of declining crime rates, increasing concern about public budgets, and growing moral ambivalence about blunt criminal justice sanctions. A clear understanding of the factors that misguided the American criminal justice system will help to steer it to a better path. There are many reasons to be optimistic. Substantial portions of the American public support rehabilitation and less punitive criminal sanctions when provided with alternatives and informed about offenders.
Political leaders on both sides of the aisle have been increasingly rising to this occasion. Advocates, the media, policymakers, and criminal justice professionals should use this opportunity to help align our policies with our principles. This report concludes that: White Americans are more punitive than people of color. Whites misjudge how much crime is committed by African Americans and Latinos.
Whites who more strongly associate crime with racial minorities are more supportive of punitive policies. Media crime coverage fuels racial perceptions of crime. Criminal justice practitioners also operate with and reinforce racial perceptions of crime. Racial perceptions of crime have distorted the criminal justice system. Racial perceptions of crime have undermined public safety. Introduction Punishment in the United States is both severe and selective.
Public Support for Punitive Policies Two dominant patterns emerge from public opinion surveys about criminal justice. Historical Changes in Punitive Sentiment Americans grew dramatically more punitive beginning in the late s, and one window into this trend is attitudes toward the death penalty.
Figure 1. Punitive sentiment, to Support for death penalty for persons convicted of murder, by race, Source: Pew Research Center.
Figure 3. Support for various punitive measures, by race, Figure 5. Preferred crime reduction policies, by race, Source: Thompson, V. Figure 6: Homicide victimization rates, by race, — Source: Cooper. Homicide Trends in the United States, Figure 7. Respondents who have an area within a mile of their home where they would be afraid to walk alone at night, Source: University at Albany Image 1.
Examples of images used in implicit bias studies. Source: Payne, K. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81 2 , — p. Image 2. Examples of images used in video simulated shooter studies. Source: Correll, J. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83 6 , — p. Figure 9. Homicides by race of offender and victim, — Figure Respondents who think the American justice system is biased against black people, — Similarly, a survey found that while three-quarters of blacks and half of Hispanics expressed that the police treated blacks and Hispanics worse than whites in their city, three-quarters of whites stated that the police treated all of these groups equally.
Download PDF. Related Posts publications. Nicole D. The Pennsylvania General Assembly is considering ending lifetime parole supervision. Nazgol Ghandnoosh, Ph. Walmsley, R. Western, B.
National Research Council Pew Research Center Peters, J. Mauer, M. Enns, P. Baumer, E. Brace, P. Jones, J. Saad, L. Ramirez, M. Ramirez b , note 17 above; Muller, C.
Unnever, J. Wright, J. Bureau of Justice Statistics Thompson, V. Cullen, F. Ergun, D. Applegate, B. Roberts, J. Gwin, J. Pickett, J. Bureau of Justice Statistics , note 38 above Tbl. Heron, M. Smith, E. University at Albany Chiricos, T. Bobo, L. See Chiricos, T. Welch, K. This is the only reference point because neither national victimization surveys nor national arrest records reported Hispanic ethnicity among offenders or suspects.
Barkan, S. See Bobo, L. Quoted in Tonry, M. Project Implicit has made a version of the test available here. Greenwald, A. Blair, I. Rachlinski, J. Eisenberg, T. Smith, R. Richardson, L. On mock jury studies showing a small but statistically significant impact of race on the determination of guilt and sentencing, see Mitchell, T.
Levinson, J. Payne, K. Correll, J. Sadler, M. Quillian, L. Based on survey: see King, R. Sampson, R. This statement relies on data that do not distinguish between Hispanic and non-Hispanic whites: Federal Bureau of Investigation Tonry, M.
Carson, E. Johnston, L. Beckett, K. Blumstein, A. See also Langan, P. See for example, Crutchfield, R. Dorfman, L. While this section focuses on news media, scholars have also documented biases in entertainment media — particularly in dramatizations of crime and the criminal justice system: see Cavender, G. Warr, M. Eschholz, S. Lundman, R. Dixon, T. Romer, D. Oliver, M. Simon, R. Rosenthal, A.
Mendelberg, T. Porter, N. Clark, P. Sims, B. Edwards, E. Starr, S. Crawford, C. Cohen, T. Jones, C. See for example, Steffensmeier, D. Steffensmeier, D. Bridges, G. Newport, F. Western , note 3 above pp. Brame, R. Langton, L. Cole, D. Epp, C. Hagan, J. Newport , note above; Pew Research Center , note above. The hell with it i think i am just going to get it, can't argue much for the price. Boostjunki84 Proven Member. It is included.
I have this kit and am going to install it this week. It is a very nice kit and Tim has always responded to my questions and has had great customer service. I was even missing a part of the kit and before I had a chance to call to inquire, it was in my mailbox. I'll post pics and everything, starting tomorrow evening. Thanks for the input boostjunki! Would love to see pics in this thread whenever you get them.
It will be greatly appreciated. Take pics of every angle possible of the kit from tb to the turbo. Thanks again in advance. I think i mite get this kit also.. RyAn Proven Member. This sounds like a great kit due other than the low flowing intercooler, which is typical of ebay cores, but overall this is an insanely good price for a good reliable product, even with a psi loss.
Click to expand Ok I am going to clear up some the BS that's getting posted on here. There is nothing "fishy" going on and nobody is avoiding any ones posts, believe it or not we have a business to run and parts to build and I dont have time to sit on the forums and respond to every single post thats made about our parts, our business or anything else.
Usually I only know about the posts because one of our customers will let us know about it. We dont have salesman who sit on the forums all day pushing parts, we try to let our parts and customer service speak for itself. We needed a partner to work with who had experience in putting together "budget" intercooler kits that could meet the quality and performance goals we were looking for and they did it. We spent almost a year fine tuning the design and now have a product that we feel will compete with any street fmic kit on the market.
Outsourcing the building of intercooler kits certainly isn't anything new in the dsm world thats for sure. Now as for using the same pictures on our website, I didnt realize this was going to be a huge deal and I will get the website updated as soon as we have a chance.
Thanks for taking the time to post here Tim. For all you who are worried, I personally took this kit out this evening and examined every piece. It has everything posted on the website and more. The BOV was not even listed. I am off on Tuesday and will be installing the kit. Here's some pics of the kit, as promised. More to come as I install the kit. The kit. You must be logged in to view this image or video.
Grimis Proven Member. Let me know how that mounting bar works, might have to change how i have mine mounted, looks to drop it a bit lower then what i have mine, so Pic's is a must.
Boostjunki84 said:. Gamble97 Freelancer. Nice pics boostjunki looks very good. They suffer civic excommunication. America's zeal for social discipline consigns these men to a permanent nether caste. And yet, since these men -- whatever their shortcomings -- have emotional needs, including the need to be fathers, lovers and husbands, we are creating a situation where the children of this nether caste are likely to join a new generation of untouchables.
This cycle will continue so long as incarceration is viewed as the primary path to social hygiene. One cannot reckon the world-historic American prison build-up over the past 35 years without calculating the enormous costs imposed upon the persons imprisoned, their families, and their communities.
This is a question of social morality, not social hygene. Nor can social science tell us how much additional cost borne by the offending class is justified in order to obtain a given increment of security for property or peace of mind for the rest of us. These questions about the nature of the American State and its relationship to its people transcend the categories of benefits and costs. Yet the discourse surrounding punishment policy invariably discounts the humanity of the thieves, drug sellers, prostitutes, rapists, and, yes, those whom the State puts to death.
It gives insufficient weight to the welfare, to the humanity, of those who are knitted together with offenders in webs of social and psychic affiliation. What is more, institutional arrangements for dealing with criminal offenders in the United States have evolved to serve expressive as well as instrumental ends. We wanted to "send a message," and have done so with a vengeance. In the process, we have created not only facts, but also constructed a national narrative of blame. We have created scapegoats and assuaged our fears.
We have met the enemy, and the enemy is them, the others. Incarceration keeps them away from us. The sociologist David Garland writes: "The prison is used today as a kind of reservation, a quarantine zone in which purportedly dangerous individuals are segregated in the name of public safety.
We Americans have chosen to invest in human punishment, but not in human development. Our society creates crime-promoting conditions in our sprawling urban ghettos, and then acts out rituals of punishment against them as some awful form of human sacrifice. We law-abiding, middle-class Americans have, through our elected representatives, made decisions about social policy that benefit us, created from a system of suffering, rooted in State violence.
This situation raises a moral problem that we Americans cannot avoid. We cannot pretend that there are more important problems in our society -- unless we are also prepared to say that we have turned our backs on the ideal of equality for all citizens and abandoned the principles of justice. We ought to be asking ourselves the fundamental question: What are our obligations to our fellow citizens -- even those who break our laws? To aid in thinking about the moral dimensions of the current situation, I wish to suggest a thought-experiment: Let us imagine, in the spirit of the political philosopher, John Rawls, that any one of us could occupy any rank in the social hierarchy.
Let me be more concrete: Imagine that you could be born a black American male outcast shuffling between prison and the labor market on his way to an early death to the chorus of nigger or criminal or dummy. What social rules would we pick if we actually thought that they could be us? If any one of us had a real chance of being one of those faces looking up from the bottom of the well -- of being the least among us -- then how would we talk publicly about those who break our laws?
What would we do with juveniles who go awry, who roam the streets with guns and sometimes commit acts of violence? What weight would we give to various elements in the deterrence-retribution-incapacitation-rehabilitation calculus, if we thought that calculus could end up being applied to our own children, or to us?
How would we apportion blame and affix responsibility for the cultural and social pathologies evident in some quarters of our society if we envisioned that we ourselves might well have been born into the social margins where such pathology flourishes?
I expect that we would still pick some set of punishment institutions to contain bad behavior and protect society. But wouldn't we pick arrangements that respected the humanity of each individual and of those they are connected to through bonds of social and psychic affiliation?
Moreover, continuing with the thought-experiment, wouldn't we also recognize a kind of social responsibility, even for the wrongful acts freely chosen by individuals? This is not to argue that people commit crimes because they have no choices, or that in this sense the "root causes" of crime are social; individuals always have choices.
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